A Better Future – or a Fight for Power? What the Files Show About the Protests in Tirana

By Eglantina Frroku · Tirana, 17 October 2026 · As of 20:30

For five days, the protests in Tirana have been more violent than anything the Flamingo movement brought before. The files show that the students’ grievance is real: Albania’s own statistics record a steady exodus, an economy whose exports cover only 39.0 percent of its imports, and a largest export that is contract sewing at a minimum wage of about 403 euros. They also show that the demands lead somewhere else – to a change of power. The Flamingo Revolution is not about the flamingos: not one of its demands touches the waste and plastic that the Vjosa already carries into the Narta lagoon, where the flamingos live. Prime Minister Edi Rama’s council granted permits for the Zvërnec resort he says has none. Sali Berisha, whom the protesters also want in prison, publicly backed that resort, led violent opposition protests months before the flamingos marched, and demanded the “technical government” the movement now demands. A month before the 2025 election he lunched with the chairman of the Patriots group in the Council of Europe. On the morning of 17 October his official account called “all Albanians” to the protest at the Education Ministry – where, hours later, the crowd chanted the wartime motto of Balli Kombëtar. If Rama falls, the election arithmetic leaves one successor: Berisha. It happened before, in 1990. These are the findings of a File Check of official statistics, permits, election results, Council of Europe records, the author’s own recordings and the public statements of Albania’s two dominant politicians.

Five days of fire

On 13 and 14 October 2026, students clashed with police outside the Education Ministry in Tirana. Authorities reported 23 police officers injured, six other people hurt and 35 detained after more than eight hours of rioting. Part of the crowd set fire to the Education Ministry and damaged the European College, an EU-supported academic institution. A nearby Raiffeisen Bank branch also burned. The Flamingo Revolution, which has marched almost daily since 31 May with the chant “Rama to prison, Berisha to prison”, has become a student revolution.

Observed and filmed by the author, 17 October: At around 13:35, near the Education Ministry and Rruga e Kavajës, the crowd was dense – many in dark clothes, some with hoods and covered faces, others with masks and tear-gas goggles; among them many young people, some wrapped in the flag. The part of the crowd where the author stood was peaceful; earlier she heard explosions but could not see whether they were Molotov cocktails. Then police moved in with water cannon and tear gas, and the gas hit her too. At 13:53 she filmed a Credins Bank branch with its windows and entrance boarded up with metal panels, graffiti on the wall and debris on the ground. Along the street, traffic lights were smashed, a glass shelter shattered and burned debris lay on the pavement; shopkeepers pulled down their shutters. The Academy of Arts in the centre has held no classes since Thursday. The original timestamped files are held by the editors.

According to Klan TV and the police, protesters threw stones and Molotov cocktails. At a press conference the police director said officers intervened only after being attacked with stones, hard objects and Molotov cocktails, and that only means approved by law were used; police reported 132 officers injured as of 15:00 and protesters detained. On 14 October the State Police had appealed to protesters to distance themselves from the masked people attacking officers. Who was under the masks has not been established.

On the evening of 17 October the violence escalated. According to Top Channel’s live coverage, at around 18:40 the first floor of the former Hotel Dajti caught fire after Molotov cocktails were thrown; RENEA special forces moved onto Dëshmorët e Kombit boulevard at around 18:55; at around 19:00 protesters set fire to the first floor of the High Court, and a car nearby burned. Shortly afterwards they smashed the windows of an OTP Bank branch on Rruga Myslym Shyri and set it alight. Top Channel reported 17 police officers and 4 protesters injured in the two hours before 19:17 alone. A movement that wants Rama and Berisha in prison set fire to the country’s highest court.

Protesters themselves told Reuters they had resorted to violence because they had not felt heard. The violence, then, does not come only from the “clowns” of a politics that has lost, as Rama says – it also comes from within the movement.

The students demand better universities and a future in Albania. Every building that burns in central Tirana must be rebuilt with public money – money that does not go into dormitories, scholarships or lecture halls. The black hoods destroy the present in the name of the future.

The violence does not hit only the government. It hits the people in whose name it claims to fight. The author saw and photographed smashed traffic lights and bus shelters with their glass shattered – every shelter she saw along the Unaza and on Rruga Hoxha Tahsim – where people without a car wait for the bus, even in the rain. On 15 October protesters attacked city buses and broke their windows; public transport in Tirana and Kamëz was suspended. The Albanian Association of Banks condemned the attacks on banks, and the Chamber of Commerce warned that without urgent action businesses would be forced to “defend their property themselves”. The looted shops do not belong to the government, but to people who work in this city.

First demand: a better future – the numbers prove them right

Student organisers named four grievances: conditions at universities, the cost of higher education, the lack of financial support and poor job prospects after graduation. In short: no future in Albania. On this, the files are on their side.

Albania’s statistics institute INSTAT recorded 42,048 emigrants in 2021 and only 9,195 immigrants. In 2022 emigration rose to 46,460, up 10.5 percent. In 2025, according to INSTAT data, Albania had 22,541 births, 21,394 deaths and a net migration loss of 28,531 people. For every person the country gained through births, it lost about 25 to emigration.

The young do not leave because of one bad year. The files describe an economy that, after thirteen years of Rama governments, does not produce enough to keep them.

• Albania’s goods exports covered only 39.0 percent of its imports in 2025. INSTAT recorded exports of 346 billion lek, imports of 887 billion lek and a trade deficit of 541 billion lek – 3.0 percent higher than in 2024.
• The largest export group is not a product Albania designs. Textiles and footwear make up 30.0 percent of exports. The state investment agency AIDA advertises the country to foreign manufacturers with the argument that “the wages are lower compared to the same wage in a European city” and that “the cost of production is much lower in Albania than in surrounding countries”. It lists the official minimum wage: 40,000 lek, about 403 euros. Albanian factories sew and assemble for European and American brands; the brand, and most of the value, stays abroad.
• Minerals, fuels and electricity account for another 18.2 percent of exports, construction materials and metals for 14.0 percent. Albania mined 650,200 tonnes of chromite in 2021 but produced only 103,700 tonnes of ferrochromium, according to the US Geological Survey. The same report records that the Ballsh refinery has stood idle since 2019.
• On the import side, machinery and equipment form the largest group, at 25.7 percent, followed by food, drink and tobacco at 18.3 percent. A country with fertile land spends almost a fifth of its import bill on food.
• Foreign visitors spent about 4.9 billion euros in Albania in 2024, according to the tourism ministry. All goods exports that year came to 368.8 billion lek, roughly 3.7 billion euros. Tourism now earns more than everything Albania makes and sells abroad.
• Together with the money emigrants send home – between 11.0 and 9.7 percent of GDP each year from 2016 to 2020, according to the World Bank – this is an economy of consumption, not of production: it lives on money spent in Albania, not on what Albania makes. Tourism consumes; it builds no industry.
• Foreign capital follows the same pattern. Of 1,635 million euros of foreign direct investment in 2025, the largest share – 561 million euros, 48 percent more than a year earlier – went into real estate, the Albania Investment Council reports. Agriculture, forestry and fishing attracted the least.

The average gross salary in the first quarter of 2025 was 76,489 lek, 1.3 percent lower than a year earlier (same source). Measured in purchasing power, Albania’s GDP per person reached 42 percent of the EU average in 2024, according to Eurostat – up from 27 percent in 2013, but still among the lowest in Europe. And a per-person figure also rises when the people leave.

Whoever stands behind the masks, this is the ground the protest grows on. Rama cannot ignore it, nor rest on what he has achieved so far. Hotels and towers consume; factories produce. A government that wants its young people to stay must go to the root: processing at home instead of raw exports and contract sewing, support for Albanian businesses and new enterprises of its own people – not only tourism and high-rises. On this point the students are right, and Albania needs that renewal.

Second demand: Rama must go – and to prison

The movement demands Rama’s resignation, a technical government and a halt to the resort that Jared Kushner’s Affinity Partners plans on Sazan island and in the protected Vjosë-Nartë landscape at Zvërnec. Its slogan is “Albania is not for sale”. Rama’s defence does not survive the files.

“No deal, no permits.” On 17 June in Berlin he told dpa the facts showed there was no deal for Sazan island and that everything was lies, and that no building-permit application had been filed for Sazan or Zvërnec. He is right on one narrow point: no formal building-permit application had been filed for the resort itself.

• The company Zvërnec South Adriatic Development received two development permits for a large tourist resort at Zvërnec, in January and April 2025. They were granted by the National Territorial Council – chaired by Edi Rama. The permits have not been officially published.
• On 29 April 2026, the same company received a permit for fencing and preparatory works, according to an AKZM document obtained by BIRN. The barbed-wire fence that triggered the protests went up on this basis.
• For Sazan, BIRN obtained a draft decision of the Council of Ministers transferring the island from the Defence Ministry to the Economy Ministry for the strategic project “Tourist Resort – Sazan Island”. The area covers about 5.2 million square metres, more than 90 percent of the island.

There is no signed sale. But the government is preparing the island for the very project it says does not exist.

Prosecutors have also alleged that Rama’s deputy prime minister was involved in doling out construction contracts to favoured companies – charges Rama and the deputy deny.

“Fascist” and “foreign-controlled”. On his podcast he called the movement “fascist” and its participants “hajvanë”; he has blamed Iran, social media and foreign interests. He has presented no evidence of foreign control. Poland’s Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW) concluded that the size of the protests and the organisers’ roots in independent environmental groups point to a grassroots movement.

“Violence comes from others.” On 17 October, in a live broadcast, Rama said he respects the students as Albania’s future and will not let that future be destroyed. The destruction, he said, came from “clowns” in masks from a politics that has lost – “dhunë qorre”, blind violence. He did not name Berisha. He asked citizens to report damage through the e-Albania portal. “Dhuna as nuk ka mandat, as nuk jep mandat” – violence neither has a mandate nor gives one.

“450 new schools.” At the start of the 2025 campaign Rama said his government had built 450 schools. The platform Faktoje checked the Education Ministry’s own data: between 2014 and 2024, 43 schools were rebuilt or extended; counting every intervention, including yards and gyms, 331. Public pre-university institutions fell from 1,741 in 2013 to 1,378 in 2023, and pupils in primary and secondary education from 501,693 in 2013–14 to 267,275 in 2022–23 – almost by half. Faktoje rated the claim false. Many schools were indeed renovated, and after the 2019 earthquake the government reported 163 schools under reconstruction with donors. But the ministry’s figures show what Rama leaves out: the classrooms are emptying. The halving of pupils is the same emigration the students protest against.

But why was he re-elected? The students’ grievances are not new. In December 2018, students boycotted lectures and demanded lower fees, education spending of 5 percent of GDP and a reform of the higher-education law. Rama replaced eight of his 15 cabinet members and announced a “Pact for the University”. Most structural demands were never met; education spending stood at about 3.3 percent of GDP in a 2023 review. Then came the ballot. In April 2021 Rama’s Socialists won 48.7 percent and 74 of 140 seats, on a turnout of 46.3 percent. In May 2025 they won 53.27 percent and 83 seats. The students of 2018 were voters by 2021; today’s students could vote in 2025. Twice the ballot was available, and twice Rama won. He knows it: “Governments are changed through democratic elections and we had them last year, not through violence,” he told Reuters. A demand for his resignation five months after his re-election is a demand to undo an election – by the street.

Third demand: Berisha to prison too – and the man who came before the flamingos

The crowd does not spare the opposition. Medical students marched on the ministry on 14 October chanting “Rama to prison, Berisha to prison”. Berisha presents himself as the protesters’ ally anyway. On the 13th day of the Flamingo protests he called them “beyond parties” – and in the same message called on every Democrat and every PD voter to support every protest: “No pretext has the right to be used for not supporting them.” In July he declared that the protesters’ demands were his party’s demands. After the clashes of 13 October he condemned the police and called on supporters to turn out the next day.

The street was Berisha’s before it was the movement’s:

• Early January 2026: After the arrest of Nicolás Maduro, Berisha said Albanians expect the same end for Rama and announced a round table of “all influential political factors” for “demonstrations and revolts”.
• 22 January 2026: In parliament he called Rama “Ramaduro”.
• January 2026: He called on the crowd to unite to topple the government and install a technical government to prepare early, free and fair elections – five months before the Flamingo movement made a non-partisan technical government for 12 months its core demand.
• 10 February 2026: At a PD protest, protesters threw Molotov cocktails at the Prime Minister’s office and parliament. 16 officers were injured, 13 people arrested.
• 20 February 2026: Incendiary devices again struck the Prime Minister’s office – according to video footage, right after Berisha left the podium.
• March 2026: From the EPP summit in Brussels he called for a “peaceful uprising” on 22 March. That day, at the sixth opposition protest, protesters threw fireworks and Molotov cocktails at the Socialist Party headquarters and set vehicles on fire. Berisha was seen at the scene.
• 31 May 2026: The Flamingo protests begin.
• 3 June 2026: Four days later, Berisha told reporters that his party supports the foreign investment in Zvërnec. He had said “yes” three years earlier, when Trump’s son-in-law was announced as investor, “because he has the money”. He added that both he and Fatos Nano had offered Sazan to investors, and called the critics “hypocrites”. He had no doubt, he said, that Rama was buying political influence with the project – and backed it anyway.
• October 2026: Incendiary devices strike the Education Ministry – the same tactic as at Berisha’s protests in February. Who threw them in October has not been established.

The movement fights a resort that the man it also wants in prison supports – and it carries his core demand.

What they do not demand: the waste

The movement wants to protect the flamingos of Zvërnec from the Kushner family’s resort. Its catalogue: Rama’s resignation, a technical government, investigations by SPAK, a halt to construction in protected areas and the repeal of the laws on strategic investments and protected areas. But the flamingo is a symbol of nature – and not one of the protesters’ demands addresses Albania’s documented environmental crisis, which endangers people, animals and the sea: waste and plastic.

• According to the European Environment Agency, landfilling and illegal dumping are the main methods of waste treatment in Albania. Only about 10 to 18.5 percent of municipal waste is collected for recycling.
• In 2020 the recycling rate was 18.1 percent, and only 86.9 percent of the population was covered by collection. Shortly after taking office, the Rama government cancelled the concession for a state recycling plant.
• Albania pours almost 10,000 tonnes of plastic into the Mediterranean every year – more than any other Western Balkan country.
• Plastic kills sea animals. In a study published in Environmental Pollution (Digka et al., 2020), Greek scientists examined 36 dead loggerhead turtles (Caretta caretta) stranded on the coast of Greece, Albania’s neighbour on the Ionian Sea: 26 of them, 72 percent, had swallowed plastic – 286 pieces in all, mostly polypropylene and polyethylene, the materials of bags and bottles.
• Flamingos feed by filtering the mud of the lagoons. A study in Spain’s Ebro Delta (Chemosphere, Dulsat-Masvidal et al., 2023) found PFAS, PCBs, PAHs and pesticides in the blood of flamingo chicks; the most likely routes of exposure were feeding on contaminated mud and transfer from the mother through the egg. What is dumped in the lagoon ends up in the flamingo.
• Plastic bags are banned only on paper. In September 2021 Rama announced a ban on single-use bags up to 70 microns, in force from 1 June 2022. Almost a year later, the Albanian Center for Quality Journalism found bags at almost every fruit and vegetable stall, some produced illegally or smuggled in; the authorities had detected only eight violations in more than nine months, while plastic imports were rising.
• Plastic does not stay in the sea. Bags and bottles break into ever smaller pieces, and people breathe them in. In a study published in the Journal of Hazardous Materials (Amato-Lourenço et al., 2021), doctors at the University of São Paulo found microplastics in 13 of 20 lung-tissue samples from autopsies – mostly polypropylene and polyethylene, which come from the breakdown of larger items such as bags and bottles. Microplastics can bind heavy metals and microorganisms; their effects on humans are still being studied.
• All of Albania’s rivers flow into the Adriatic or the Ionian Sea, and all of them carry waste. The Ishm alone discharges about 733,000 kilograms of solid waste into the Adriatic every year, according to a study by Vienna’s BOKU University cited by the Albanian Center for Quality Journalism; some 100 illegal dumpsites line its banks, and it flows out next to the Patok-Fushë Kuqe-Ishëm marine protected area. The Vjosa flows into the Adriatic next to the Narta lagoon – where the flamingos live.

The movement wants to protect nature from Kushner, but not from plastic. The resort is still a project; the waste and the bags are already in the rivers, in the lagoon and in the sea. A movement named after a bird has no demand on this. Its environmental demands target only the legal route that opened the coast to investors – they are about land and power, not about the state of nature. The author, who lives in Tirana, sees the waste in the streets every day.

From flamingo to student revolution: the same hoods

Observed by the author: On Wednesday, 14 October, between 16:00 and 18:00, masked people in black hoods carrying shovels passed through the streets near the Unaza – not far from the Interior Ministry, which protesters attacked several times between 13 and 15 October, according to Gazeta Tema. On 17 October, among the students outside the Education Ministry, the same picture: black jackets, black hoods, covered faces – as at the Flamingo protests before.

Police data support this picture. Of the 16 people arrested after the protest of 13 October, according to the police notice published by Shqiptarja.com, the youngest was 23 and the oldest 59; 14 of them were 30 or older, and their average age was about 40. Police wrote that the protesters had “disguised themselves as students”. The charges include assaulting police officers, arson, theft from banks and possession of edged weapons. All are presumed innocent until a final court ruling.

The crowd chanted “Policia e krimit” – police of crime – and “Shqipëria e shqiptarëve, vdekje tradhtarëve”: Albania for the Albanians, death to the traitors. In that crowd, facing water cannon, the traitors meant were the police and the government.

The motto of Balli Kombëtar

The chant has a documented origin. “Shqipëria e shqiptarëve, vdekje tradhtarëve” was the motto of Balli Kombëtar, the nationalist movement of the Second World War. Balli Kombëtar began as an anti-communist resistance group, and many Albanians still honour it for that. It later allied with the German occupiers, joined the government installed by Germany and fought alongside German forces against the communists. Whether those who chant it today know its history has not been established; that the words are its motto is documented.

It is not the only such sign. The Jüdische Allgemeine reported that antisemitic comments mixed into the protest; Kushner was equated with Israel, and his Jewish origin read as a “sign” of a hidden agenda. According to another report, Hitler posters and slogans against Israel appeared. The Atlantic photographed a poster reading “Albania for Albanians, death to traitors” next to maps showing Albania being swallowed by Israel. Israel’s ambassador said the banners reminded her of 1930s Germany.

The files contradict the Israel narrative. Kushner’s Affinity Partners holds 2 billion dollars from Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund, among other investors. The Zvërnec project has been linked to Qatari investors. Berisha himself, on 3 June, named the Saudi fund as the reason for his “yes”. No document reviewed here shows any involvement of the Israeli state.

The slogan Rama calls fascist was, in its full form documented in Tirana in June, “Albania belongs to Albanians, not to oligarchs.” The wartime motto is something else. It is right-wing ideology, and it now marches with the students.

Berisha and the right

Berisha’s party belongs to the European People’s Party family. The documents show contacts further to the right.

• On 7 April 2025, a month before the election, the agenda the PD published for his visit to the Council of Europe listed a lunch with “Szolt Nemeth, Head of the ECPA Group”. The Parliamentary Assembly’s official record identifies the Hungarian Zsolt Németh as chairman of the group European Conservatives, Patriots & Affiliates since 3 February 2025. Németh is a founding member of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz.
• His 2025 campaign was run by former Trump campaign managers Chris LaCivita and Paul Manafort and the strategist Tony Fabrizio. The US entry ban imposed in 2021 for “significant corruption” has not been lifted.
• In late January 2026, in Strasbourg, he portrayed Albania to the EPP as a “narco-state” and spoke of Soros influence and of school content.
• In August 2026 a document showed that Berisha had been included in the IDU delegation to the Republican convention in Dallas.

Who can win

In the election of 11 May 2025, Rama’s Socialists won 83 of 140 seats with 53.27 percent. Berisha’s PD alliance won 50 seats with 32.93 percent. No other party won more than 3 seats. Lëvizja Bashkë, which helped launch the Flamingo protests, received about 24,600 votes and 1 seat. If Rama falls, the only force able to replace him is the man the crowd also wants in prison – and the only party leader who publicly stands behind the protest. On the morning of 17 October, at around 8 o’clock, his official Instagram account posted the call: “Studentët & Diaspora thërrasin – Protestë Kombëtare – 17 Tetor, E shtunë, 11:00, Ministria e Arsimit”. His caption: “Sot mbarë shqiptarët në Tiranë!” – today all Albanians in Tirana. The image beneath the poster, labelled by Instagram as AI-generated, shows a hooded figure waving the Albanian flag in front of burning debris.

There are cracks in Rama’s own ranks. Marjana Koceku, 25, whom Rama hand-picked last year to run for parliament and who now sits as an independent, joined the protests this week, Reuters reports. But she holds one seat and no party. The arithmetic does not change.

The two men built this arithmetic themselves. In 2008 parliament amended the constitution and adopted a new electoral code with a regional proportional system. Council of Europe observers recorded that both changes resulted from a broad consensus between the two main parties and were strongly opposed by most small parties. In 2008 those parties were led by Prime Minister Sali Berisha and opposition leader Edi Rama.

1990: the students made the movement, Berisha took the party

It has happened before. On 9 December 1990, students marched from the University of Tirana demanding reform; on 12 December, Ramiz Alia signed the law on political pluralism.

The minutes of the first meeting of the Democratic Party, on 13 December 1990, show Berisha on the podium next to student leader Azem Hajdari. In the list of founders approved, five are listed as students – and one, Sali Berisha, as a doctor.

Hajdari chaired the party’s steering committee from December 1990 to February 1991. Then Berisha took over the chairmanship. According to Exit, Berisha played no role in the student protests themselves; by 1992 Hajdari was the only student left in the party leadership, most of the others having emigrated. On 9 April 1992, parliament elected Sali Berisha head of state.

In 1990 the students toppled the dictatorship. The man who then governed had not marched with them.

2026: the students make the movement, Berisha tells Rama: “Resign!”

“The streets and squares of Tirana have never seen lions like these students,” he said on 14 October. The same evening he demanded Rama’s “immediate resignation”: “We will not abandon the students.” And he called on police officers “to rebel, to join the students”. On the evening of 17 October, at a press conference broadcast live by Klan TV, he said the students and protesters had fought like lions, and again demanded Rama’s resignation.

At the same press conference, Berisha quoted the Republican congressman Joe Wilson, chairman of the Helsinki Commission in the US Congress, who wrote that the government “must refrain from any form of violence against protesters”. About the High Court in flames, Wilson said nothing.

Either they are not students – as the author’s observation and the police data indicate – and someone is using the students as a shield. Or they are students: then this is a graver sign for Albania than anything Rama has failed to deliver. The generation that is supposed to build the country sets fire to its highest court after five days.

Student movements elsewhere have turned violent too – but after a concrete trigger. In Paris in May 1968, the barricades went up after police occupied the Sorbonne and arrested hundreds of students. In Athens in December 2008, the riots began the night a police officer shot dead 15-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos. In Hong Kong, the siege of the Polytechnic University in November 2019 came after five months of protests against an extradition bill. In Chile in October 2019, metro stations burned after a fare increase. In Bangladesh in July 2024, violence erupted after students were attacked by the ruling party’s student wing and the first protesters were killed by police. In Tirana, the violence began on the first day of the student protest, with no documented death before it. Not being heard does not explain that.

In this movement, the young people in Tirana say they want neither man. How this violent student movement will continue is not yet clear. But the students are right about the present – the state’s own figures prove it. Their demands do not lead to a better future, but to power: the movement is named after a bird and has no demand on plastic waste; it burns the institutions it wants to improve; and if Rama falls, by the arithmetic of the last 30 years of Albanian politics, the only one who can win is Berisha – as in 1990. The system they protest against has, so far, only these two to offer.

Sources

Primary documents and official records: INSTAT population reports 2022 and 2023 · INSTAT foreign trade 2025 · AIDA manufacturing factsheet 2025 · US Geological Survey, Albania 2020–21 · World Bank remittance data · PACE member record Zsolt Németh, election observation report 2009 · PD Strasbourg agenda, 7 April 2025 · Documents obtained by BIRN: permits, Sazan · Minutes of the first PD meeting, 1990 · European Environment Agency waste factsheet · Election results: 2021, 2025

The actors’ own statements: Berisha on Instagram, 17 October 2026 · Rama on Instagram, 17 October 2026 · Berisha on Zvërnec: Telegrafi · Berisha in Strasbourg, January 2026: The Injustice Chronicle

The author’s recordings: 14 October 2026, 16:00–18:00, and 17 October 2026, 13:34–13:53; the original timestamped files are held by the editors.

Secondary reports are linked in the text where cited (Reuters, AP, ANSA, Euronews, OCCRP, Al Jazeera, Balkanweb, Gazeta Tema, Exit, OSW, intellinews, OBC Transeuropa, Faktoje, Jüdische Allgemeine).

Photos: The Injustice Chronicle. Photo of Sali Berisha at the EPP: Democratic Party of Albania.