Greenland Colonialism: The Last Colony of the West

A territory claimed by states, questioned by history. Graphic by Tomas Griger / Canva

In the sto­ry of Greenland colo­nia­lism, one truth stands out: if you are not big enough to defend yours­elf, you are not trea­ted as a sub­ject but as an object. It is a bru­tal logic, yet it cap­tures pre­cis­e­ly how power ope­ra­tes. Size deter­mi­nes visi­bi­li­ty, and visi­bi­li­ty deter­mi­nes whe­ther a peo­p­le are reco­gni­zed as poli­ti­cal actors or redu­ced to explo­ita­ble resources.

Social Darwinism explains the world as a strugg­le; colo­nia­lism turns that strugg­le into laws, bor­ders, and sys­tems of owner­ship. The ideo­lo­gy pro­vi­des the excu­se. The struc­tu­re deli­vers the vio­lence. The world as struggle—what con­cept has shaped histo­ry more deep­ly than that? Yet why must powers enrich them­sel­ves at the expen­se of others? This is not a law of natu­re. Strength is not mea­su­red by stan­ding on someone else’s back but by stan­ding firm­ly on your own resources.

This logic is not con­fi­ned to the Arctic. People fle­e­ing war, pover­ty, or poli­ti­cal collapse—often the con­se­quen­ces of glo­bal power politics—are rare­ly seen in the West as poli­ti­cal sub­jects. They appear not as the har­med but as a bur­den. Here too, size deter­mi­nes visi­bi­li­ty. And this very struc­tu­re con­ti­nues to shape Greenland.

Greenland is not “Denmark vs. the United States”—it “is a colo­ni­zed ter­ri­to­ry wit­hout indi­ge­nous self-deter­mi­na­ti­on.” When Western media dis­cuss Greenland, they frame it as a geo­po­li­ti­cal tug‑of‑war bet­ween two sta­tes. Denmark insists, It is ours. The United States decla­res, We want to buy it. But the peo­p­le who actual­ly live there—the Inuit—are absent from the conversation.

But Greenland does not belong to Denmark. It does not belong to the United States eit­her. It belongs to the Inuit—and they were never asked. The Inuit have lived on this land for thou­sands of years, yet they have never been given the chan­ce to deci­de their ter­ri­to­ri­al future. They were colo­ni­zed, admi­nis­te­red, and integrated—but never sove­reign. Their land is still nego­tia­ted by others.

The colonial continuity no one speaks about 

Greenland’s histo­ry is a con­ti­nu­um of colo­ni­al rule—a truth rare­ly ack­now­led­ged becau­se it dis­rupts Europe’s self‑image as a post‑colonial, enligh­ten­ed space. When Denmark began its for­mal colo­niza­ti­on of Greenland in 1721, the Inuit were never asked whe­ther they wis­hed to beco­me part of a European king­dom. They were mis­sio­ni­zed, gover­ned, and controlled—but never reco­gni­zed as a sove­reign people.

In 1953, Copenhagen uni­la­te­ral­ly declared Greenland an “inte­gral part” of the Danish sta­te. Again, the­re was no refe­ren­dum, no con­sul­ta­ti­on, and no indi­ge­nous con­sent. The Inuit were not asked whe­ther they wis­hed to lea­ve colo­ni­al rule behind or shape their own poli­ti­cal future. They were sim­ply writ­ten into the Danish constitution—a bureau­cra­tic act mar­ke­ted as “moder­niza­ti­on,” but in rea­li­ty a con­ti­nua­tion of colo­ni­al authority.

In 1979 and again in 2009, Greenland recei­ved auto­no­my laws gran­ting a local govern­ment and cul­tu­ral self‑administration. But auto­no­my wit­hout land rights is sym­bo­lic. The admi­nis­tra­ti­on chan­ged hands—the ter­ri­to­ry did not. Denmark still owns the land; the Inuit mere­ly mana­ge it. As one Greenlandic acti­vist put it, in essence, we have a govern­ment but not the land. And that is the truth almost no one dares to say aloud: Greenland was never decolonized.

A land rich in resources—and rich in foreign appetites 

Greenland is one of the most resource‑rich ter­ri­to­ries in the Arctic. And it is pre­cis­e­ly this combination—political depen­den­cy and eco­no­mic desirability—that turns it into an object of glo­bal power. When Donald Trump announ­ced in 2019 that he wan­ted to buy Greenland, Europe respon­ded with ridi­cu­le. But behind the absur­di­ty lay a colo­ni­al logic that remains int­act. Trump repea­ted his inte­rest later; Denmark cal­led the idea “absurd,” and Trump threa­ten­ed “other mea­su­res.” NATO diplo­mats open­ly spo­ke of “American imperialism.”

The deeper scan­dal, howe­ver, was this: throug­hout the enti­re deba­te, the Inuit were not men­tio­ned once. The peo­p­le dis­ap­peared; only the ter­ri­to­ry remained.

The colonial economy of the Arctic 

The Arctic is no lon­ger a pris­ti­ne natu­ral space—it is a glo­bal extra­c­tion fron­tier. Beneath the mel­ting ice lie rare earths, ura­ni­um, oil, gas, new ship­ping rou­tes, and stra­te­gic mili­ta­ry posi­ti­ons such as the Thule Air Base.

A 2018 poli­cy brief by the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS) descri­bes Greenland as geo­po­li­ti­cal­ly and eco­no­mic­al­ly signi­fi­cant, espe­ci­al­ly in the con­text of Chinese invest­ment. The U.S. State Department’s 2018 report on Denmark like­wi­se empha­si­zes the Arctic’s stra­te­gic importance. Even cor­po­ra­te docu­ments like Royal Greenland’s 2018 annu­al report reve­al how the ter­ri­to­ry is framed in eco­no­mic and geo­po­li­ti­cal terms.

A detail­ed DIIS report from 2021 fur­ther expands this pic­tu­re, docu­men­ting how Chinese state‑linked com­pa­nies pur­sue mining pro­jects across Greenland—from rare earths to iron ore—and how the­se invest­ments inter­sect with U.S. and Danish secu­ri­ty con­cerns. The report shows that Greenland’s mine­ral wealth has beco­me a focal point of great‑power rival­ry, with Washington, Copenhagen, and Beijing all see­king influence over future extra­c­tion pathways.

Taken tog­e­ther, the pic­tu­re is unmist­aka­ble: Greenland is con­sis­t­ent­ly trea­ted as a stra­te­gic asset—a geo­po­li­ti­cal com­mo­di­ty, even if the exact term is never used.

Climate change as a colonial accelerant 

The fas­ter the ice melts, the more resour­ces beco­me accessible—and the more aggres­si­ve­ly glo­bal powers move in. For the Inuit, this means a dou­ble loss: they lose their eco­lo­gi­cal foun­da­ti­on and their poli­ti­cal con­trol. A fisher­man from Ilulissat put it stark­ly: “The ice is dis­ap­pearing. And with the ice, our con­trol dis­ap­pears.” Climate chan­ge is not only an envi­ron­men­tal cri­sis. It is a cata­lyst for a new pha­se of colo­ni­al power.

The Arctic as a geopolitical stage 

China now calls its­elf a “near‑Arctic sta­te” and invests hea­vi­ly in Greenlandic mines. Russia expands its mili­ta­ry infra­struc­tu­re in the North. The United States seeks to pre­vent both from domi­na­ting the regi­on. Greenland is not a peri­phery. It is a chess­board. And the Inuit? They remain spec­ta­tors in a game play­ed over their land—but never with them.

The question that remains 

Greenland does not mere­ly reve­al the sto­ry of a ter­ri­to­ry that was never deco­lo­ni­zed. It expo­ses the archi­tec­tu­re of a world order built on inequality—an order in which size deter­mi­nes visi­bi­li­ty, and visi­bi­li­ty deter­mi­nes who counts as a rights‑bearing human being and who is trea­ted as a resource.

The Inuit are not vic­tims of a natu­ral law. They are vic­tims of poli­ti­cal design—decisions made by sta­tes that call them­sel­ves enligh­ten­ed while trea­ting ter­ri­to­ries as assets and peo­p­les as footnotes.

Greenland reminds us of some­thing fun­da­men­tal: colo­nia­lism is not a chap­ter of the past. It is a sys­tem that per­sists as long as we refu­se to name it. And as long as we refu­se to name it, it will continue—in the Arctic ice, in future resour­ce wars, in the bor­ders that ren­der peo­p­le invisible.

The ques­ti­on is not whe­ther Greenland will one day be free. The ques­ti­on is whe­ther we are wil­ling to build a world in which free­dom does not depend on size.

Because true strength is not mea­su­red by stan­ding on someone else’s back. True strength is mea­su­red by buil­ding a world in which no one can be made small enough to be prey.

Explore more ana­ly­ses in our Hidden Geopolitics cate­go­ry.